By Sofia Amaral

Transportation systems affect women’s daily lives and likely explain part of the observed gender gaps in economic opportunities in South Asia. The ability to conduct activities outside the family home—such as going to work, to school, or simply to the park—are crucial aspects of social and economic participation. Yet, the benefits of such activities are not equally enjoyed by men and women. Indeed, for many women, stepping out of the house involves significant risks. In this blog, we review the evidence on the link between women’s economic empowerment and transportation by focusing on the four main constraints determining women’s physical mobility: accessibility, reliability, safety, and affordability of transportation.

Women need accessible and reliable means of transportation
Regarding accessibility and reliability, three aspects seem important: distance, travel duration, and road conditions. The state of Bihar in India, where most girls live more than 4 km away from a secondary school, has been a social laboratory for understanding this problem. In a 2017 study, Karthik Muralidharan and Nishith Prakash show that the provision of free bicycles to girls attending secondary school reduced the gender gap in enrollment by 40 percent. Further analysis by Moritz Seebacher shows that the increase in continuing enrollment was more pronounced among girls residing in villages more than 3 km away from the nearest secondary school, which had access to all-weather roads. This suggests that girls’ educational choices, which are closely linked to their economic empowerment later in life, are shaped by the transport system and access to infrastructure from an early age.

Women need safe transportation
Safe transportation pertains to women’s preferences and experiences toward safe-driving, public safety, and sexual harassment. When it comes to road safety, data from the World Health Organization’s 2018 Global Status Report on Road Safety show that road traffic injuries are the leading cause of death for children and young adults aged 5-29 years old with pedestrians being the most vulnerable. Since women are more likely than men to walk to work or school – or to walk their children to school – they are a high-risk group. What's more, since women are more risk averse and often the main caregivers at home, exposure to unsafe roads and awareness of reckless driving while in buses, taxis, or walking on nearby roads may push women to adopt suboptimal coping strategies to avoid unsafe areas and certain modes of transportation. Indeed, a recent study by Erin Kelley and her co-authors shows that Kenyan consumers value safety so much that they are willing to change to bus companies that are safer.

When it comes to sexual harassment, women are victimized at alarming rates in public spaces and while on buses or metros. For instance, data collected by ActionAid show that 86 percent of women in Brazil, 79 percent in India, and 86 percent in Thailand have been subjected to harassment in public during their lifetime. These high rates of victimization have remarkable human development consequences for women and girls. A recent study by Girija Borker shows that female students in Delhi will forgo studying at a higher quality university or college because of safety concerns in public spaces, and instead choose lower-ranked colleges with a safer commute. 

The good news is that there are effective interventions to improve the safety of female commuters. A study in Zambia by Nathan Fiala and his co-authors shows that girls allocated a free bicycle were 22 percent less likely to experience teasing and whistling while commuting to school in comparison to girls without one. In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, a study by Florence Kondylis and co-authors shows that randomly assigning females to segregated spaces for women on trains lowered their exposure to harassment by 50 percent. From a policy perspective, segregated policies are controversial and have had mixed results in terms of implementation. Yet, as the evidence from Rio de Janeiro and Zambia reveals, women and girls face high economic, physical, and psychological costs while commuting. 

Women need affordable transportation
The cost of transportation is an important factor considered by women and their families when deciding about labor market opportunities and other human capital investments. A study from Lahore, Pakistan, by Erica Field and Kate Vyborny shows that when women are presented with a job advertisement that includes access to transportation, the number of applications doubles. There is no such effect for men. Moreover, the provision of a highly subsidized female-only system of door-to-door transport quadruples the rate of job applications in comparison to women who were not offered this option. Given that women generally earn less than men and are less likely to be employed, it is not surprising that the affordability of transportation is a crucial factor in enhancing women's economic empowerment.

Main takeaway
The existing evidence points to the fact that restrictions to women’s mobility hinder women’s economic empowerment and that such effects are felt since adolescence. Yet, the existing body of evidence and available data is scarce, and there is limited evidence of what policies are most effective in easing women’s mobility constraints. In South Asian countries, as urbanization challenges become more and more salient, testing policies that have the potential to address women’s transportation needs in a sustainable manner within cities and suburban areas can be an important factor in supporting the much-needed increase in female labor participation.

By Sofia Amaral

Transportation systems affect women’s daily lives and likely explain part of the observed gender gaps in economic opportunities in South Asia. The ability to conduct activities outside the family home—such as going to work, to school, or simply to the park—are crucial aspects of social and economic participation. Yet, the benefits of such activities are not equally enjoyed by men and women. Indeed, for many women, stepping out of the house involves significant risks. In this blog, we review the evidence on the link between women’s economic empowerment and transportation by focusing on the four main constraints determining women’s physical mobility: accessibility, reliability, safety, and affordability of transportation.

Women need accessible and reliable means of transportation
Regarding accessibility and reliability, three aspects seem important: distance, travel duration, and road conditions. The state of Bihar in India, where most girls live more than 4 km away from a secondary school, has been a social laboratory for understanding this problem. In a 2017 study, Karthik Muralidharan and Nishith Prakash show that the provision of free bicycles to girls attending secondary school reduced the gender gap in enrollment by 40 percent. Further analysis by Moritz Seebacher shows that the increase in continuing enrollment was more pronounced among girls residing in villages more than 3 km away from the nearest secondary school, which had access to all-weather roads. This suggests that girls’ educational choices, which are closely linked to their economic empowerment later in life, are shaped by the transport system and access to infrastructure from an early age.

Women need safe transportation
Safe transportation pertains to women’s preferences and experiences toward safe-driving, public safety, and sexual harassment. When it comes to road safety, data from the World Health Organization’s 2018 Global Status Report on Road Safety show that road traffic injuries are the leading cause of death for children and young adults aged 5-29 years old with pedestrians being the most vulnerable. Since women are more likely than men to walk to work or school – or to walk their children to school – they are a high-risk group. What's more, since women are more risk averse and often the main caregivers at home, exposure to unsafe roads and awareness of reckless driving while in buses, taxis, or walking on nearby roads may push women to adopt suboptimal coping strategies to avoid unsafe areas and certain modes of transportation. Indeed, a recent study by Erin Kelley and her co-authors shows that Kenyan consumers value safety so much that they are willing to change to bus companies that are safer.

When it comes to sexual harassment, women are victimized at alarming rates in public spaces and while on buses or metros. For instance, data collected by ActionAid show that 86 percent of women in Brazil, 79 percent in India, and 86 percent in Thailand have been subjected to harassment in public during their lifetime. These high rates of victimization have remarkable human development consequences for women and girls. A recent study by Girija Borker shows that female students in Delhi will forgo studying at a higher quality university or college because of safety concerns in public spaces, and instead choose lower-ranked colleges with a safer commute. 

The good news is that there are effective interventions to improve the safety of female commuters. A study in Zambia by Nathan Fiala and his co-authors shows that girls allocated a free bicycle were 22 percent less likely to experience teasing and whistling while commuting to school in comparison to girls without one. In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, a study by Florence Kondylis and co-authors shows that randomly assigning females to segregated spaces for women on trains lowered their exposure to harassment by 50 percent. From a policy perspective, segregated policies are controversial and have had mixed results in terms of implementation. Yet, as the evidence from Rio de Janeiro and Zambia reveals, women and girls face high economic, physical, and psychological costs while commuting. 

Women need affordable transportation
The cost of transportation is an important factor considered by women and their families when deciding about labor market opportunities and other human capital investments. A study from Lahore, Pakistan, by Erica Field and Kate Vyborny shows that when women are presented with a job advertisement that includes access to transportation, the number of applications doubles. There is no such effect for men. Moreover, the provision of a highly subsidized female-only system of door-to-door transport quadruples the rate of job applications in comparison to women who were not offered this option. Given that women generally earn less than men and are less likely to be employed, it is not surprising that the affordability of transportation is a crucial factor in enhancing women's economic empowerment.

Main takeaway
The existing evidence points to the fact that restrictions to women’s mobility hinder women’s economic empowerment and that such effects are felt since adolescence. Yet, the existing body of evidence and available data is scarce, and there is limited evidence of what policies are most effective in easing women’s mobility constraints. In South Asian countries, as urbanization challenges become more and more salient, testing policies that have the potential to address women’s transportation needs in a sustainable manner within cities and suburban areas can be an important factor in supporting the much-needed increase in female labor participation.

By Sofia Amaral

Transportation systems affect women’s daily lives and likely explain part of the observed gender gaps in economic opportunities in South Asia. The ability to conduct activities outside the family home—such as going to work, to school, or simply to the park—are crucial aspects of social and economic participation. Yet, the benefits of such activities are not equally enjoyed by men and women. Indeed, for many women, stepping out of the house involves significant risks. In this blog, we review the evidence on the link between women’s economic empowerment and transportation by focusing on the four main constraints determining women’s physical mobility: accessibility, reliability, safety, and affordability of transportation.

Women need accessible and reliable means of transportation
Regarding accessibility and reliability, three aspects seem important: distance, travel duration, and road conditions. The state of Bihar in India, where most girls live more than 4 km away from a secondary school, has been a social laboratory for understanding this problem. In a 2017 study, Karthik Muralidharan and Nishith Prakash show that the provision of free bicycles to girls attending secondary school reduced the gender gap in enrollment by 40 percent. Further analysis by Moritz Seebacher shows that the increase in continuing enrollment was more pronounced among girls residing in villages more than 3 km away from the nearest secondary school, which had access to all-weather roads. This suggests that girls’ educational choices, which are closely linked to their economic empowerment later in life, are shaped by the transport system and access to infrastructure from an early age.

Women need safe transportation
Safe transportation pertains to women’s preferences and experiences toward safe-driving, public safety, and sexual harassment. When it comes to road safety, data from the World Health Organization’s 2018 Global Status Report on Road Safety show that road traffic injuries are the leading cause of death for children and young adults aged 5-29 years old with pedestrians being the most vulnerable. Since women are more likely than men to walk to work or school – or to walk their children to school – they are a high-risk group. What's more, since women are more risk averse and often the main caregivers at home, exposure to unsafe roads and awareness of reckless driving while in buses, taxis, or walking on nearby roads may push women to adopt suboptimal coping strategies to avoid unsafe areas and certain modes of transportation. Indeed, a recent study by Erin Kelley and her co-authors shows that Kenyan consumers value safety so much that they are willing to change to bus companies that are safer.

When it comes to sexual harassment, women are victimized at alarming rates in public spaces and while on buses or metros. For instance, data collected by ActionAid show that 86 percent of women in Brazil, 79 percent in India, and 86 percent in Thailand have been subjected to harassment in public during their lifetime. These high rates of victimization have remarkable human development consequences for women and girls. A recent study by Girija Borker shows that female students in Delhi will forgo studying at a higher quality university or college because of safety concerns in public spaces, and instead choose lower-ranked colleges with a safer commute. 

The good news is that there are effective interventions to improve the safety of female commuters. A study in Zambia by Nathan Fiala and his co-authors shows that girls allocated a free bicycle were 22 percent less likely to experience teasing and whistling while commuting to school in comparison to girls without one. In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, a study by Florence Kondylis and co-authors shows that randomly assigning females to segregated spaces for women on trains lowered their exposure to harassment by 50 percent. From a policy perspective, segregated policies are controversial and have had mixed results in terms of implementation. Yet, as the evidence from Rio de Janeiro and Zambia reveals, women and girls face high economic, physical, and psychological costs while commuting. 

Women need affordable transportation
The cost of transportation is an important factor considered by women and their families when deciding about labor market opportunities and other human capital investments. A study from Lahore, Pakistan, by Erica Field and Kate Vyborny shows that when women are presented with a job advertisement that includes access to transportation, the number of applications doubles. There is no such effect for men. Moreover, the provision of a highly subsidized female-only system of door-to-door transport quadruples the rate of job applications in comparison to women who were not offered this option. Given that women generally earn less than men and are less likely to be employed, it is not surprising that the affordability of transportation is a crucial factor in enhancing women's economic empowerment.

Main takeaway
The existing evidence points to the fact that restrictions to women’s mobility hinder women’s economic empowerment and that such effects are felt since adolescence. Yet, the existing body of evidence and available data is scarce, and there is limited evidence of what policies are most effective in easing women’s mobility constraints. In South Asian countries, as urbanization challenges become more and more salient, testing policies that have the potential to address women’s transportation needs in a sustainable manner within cities and suburban areas can be an important factor in supporting the much-needed increase in female labor participation.

By Amna Javed

The South Asia Region (SAR) Gender Innovation Lab is currently undertaking a review of causal literature analyzing interventions directly or indirectly affecting women’s labor market, income, and empowerment outcomes. The review found nine studies evaluating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on women’s labor market outcomes, and these results are summarized in a previous blog. Here, we summarize the results from the four studies estimating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on measures of women’s empowerment. 

While we only have four studies, there is nonetheless variation in the sample and modality of interventions across settings. While most programs targeted women from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds, in low-skill occupations, and with few years of formal education, participants were exposed to an average of 2 to 10 days of training in a diverse range of programs. For example, Giné and Mansuri (2021) offer business training to a sample of women aged 37 years on average, 94 percent of whom are married. Cheema et al. (2019) offer tailoring training to 30-year-old women on average, 69 percent of whom are married and reside in households with 12,700 PKR average household monthly income. Adhvaryu et al. (2018) focus on a sample of female workers of approximately 27 years, 60 percent of whom are high school educated and have worked for 1.3 years on average. 

The papers evaluate short to medium run impacts after implementation, between 6 to 22 months. The findings are summarized in the chart below. 

Interestingly, there is a lack of significant impact, either positive or negative, across empowerment outcomes. The programs often have positive impacts on employment, productivity, and/or earnings, so why do we not see changes in empowerment outcomes such as decision-making? Giné and Mansuri (2021) suggest the limited impact of their business training and lottery interventions in Pakistan is attributable to female business owners in their sample having low control and decision-making power in the businesses they are involved in. In fact, 40 percent of women in the sample report their husbands make all the decisions for their business. A lack of mobility to sell products or purchase material from the market further limits the scope for their training to increase decision-making. Similarly, the provision of tailoring skills alone does not improve civic engagement or empowerment measures in the short or long run for women in Pakistan (Cheema et al. 2019). 

At first glance, these results may seem disheartening. However, in a separate intervention arm offering market linkages alongside tailoring skills, Cheema et al. (2019) find positive impacts on female empowerment 9 months after the intervention. The market linkage provides participants access to sales agents who deliver marketable cloth designs and raw materials for stitching to the women. The agents then sell the stitched clothes in the market for which participants receive 200 PKR per suit. Thus, the need for women to visit the market themselves or rely on male family members to purchase material is diminished. The results from the market linkage highlight the potential for the joint use of supply and demand side interventions to move non-economic outcomes, while also highlighting the importance of considering social restrictions when designing interventions.

For more details on the skills interventions, impact magnitudes, or the methodology adopted in the systematic review, read the detailed note. For links to included papers, see below:

• The Skills to Pay the Bills: Returns to On-the-Job Soft Skills Training, by Adhvaryu et al. (2018)
• Skills for Market (SFM 2013-14) – Market Linkage (ML 2015-16): Final Impact Evaluation Report, by Cheema et al. (2019)
• Does Women’s Banking Matter for Women? Evidence from Urban India, by Field et al. (2016)
• Money or Management? A Field Experiment on Constraints to Entrepreneurship in Rural Pakistan, by Giné and Mansuri (2021)
   

WEESA is supported by the South Asia Trade Facilitation Program (SARTFP) and implemented by the South Asia Gender Innovation Lab. SARTFP is a trust fund administered by the World Bank with financial contributions from the Government of Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. 

By Amna Javed

The South Asia Region (SAR) Gender Innovation Lab is currently undertaking a review of causal literature analyzing interventions directly or indirectly affecting women’s labor market, income, and empowerment outcomes. The review found nine studies evaluating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on women’s labor market outcomes, and these results are summarized in a previous blog. Here, we summarize the results from the four studies estimating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on measures of women’s empowerment. 

While we only have four studies, there is nonetheless variation in the sample and modality of interventions across settings. While most programs targeted women from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds, in low-skill occupations, and with few years of formal education, participants were exposed to an average of 2 to 10 days of training in a diverse range of programs. For example, Giné and Mansuri (2021) offer business training to a sample of women aged 37 years on average, 94 percent of whom are married. Cheema et al. (2019) offer tailoring training to 30-year-old women on average, 69 percent of whom are married and reside in households with 12,700 PKR average household monthly income. Adhvaryu et al. (2018) focus on a sample of female workers of approximately 27 years, 60 percent of whom are high school educated and have worked for 1.3 years on average. 

The papers evaluate short to medium run impacts after implementation, between 6 to 22 months. The findings are summarized in the chart below. 

Interestingly, there is a lack of significant impact, either positive or negative, across empowerment outcomes. The programs often have positive impacts on employment, productivity, and/or earnings, so why do we not see changes in empowerment outcomes such as decision-making? Giné and Mansuri (2021) suggest the limited impact of their business training and lottery interventions in Pakistan is attributable to female business owners in their sample having low control and decision-making power in the businesses they are involved in. In fact, 40 percent of women in the sample report their husbands make all the decisions for their business. A lack of mobility to sell products or purchase material from the market further limits the scope for their training to increase decision-making. Similarly, the provision of tailoring skills alone does not improve civic engagement or empowerment measures in the short or long run for women in Pakistan (Cheema et al. 2019). 

At first glance, these results may seem disheartening. However, in a separate intervention arm offering market linkages alongside tailoring skills, Cheema et al. (2019) find positive impacts on female empowerment 9 months after the intervention. The market linkage provides participants access to sales agents who deliver marketable cloth designs and raw materials for stitching to the women. The agents then sell the stitched clothes in the market for which participants receive 200 PKR per suit. Thus, the need for women to visit the market themselves or rely on male family members to purchase material is diminished. The results from the market linkage highlight the potential for the joint use of supply and demand side interventions to move non-economic outcomes, while also highlighting the importance of considering social restrictions when designing interventions.

For more details on the skills interventions, impact magnitudes, or the methodology adopted in the systematic review, read the detailed note. For links to included papers, see below:

• The Skills to Pay the Bills: Returns to On-the-Job Soft Skills Training, by Adhvaryu et al. (2018)
• Skills for Market (SFM 2013-14) – Market Linkage (ML 2015-16): Final Impact Evaluation Report, by Cheema et al. (2019)
• Does Women’s Banking Matter for Women? Evidence from Urban India, by Field et al. (2016)
• Money or Management? A Field Experiment on Constraints to Entrepreneurship in Rural Pakistan, by Giné and Mansuri (2021)
   

WEESA is supported by the South Asia Trade Facilitation Program (SARTFP) and implemented by the South Asia Gender Innovation Lab. SARTFP is a trust fund administered by the World Bank with financial contributions from the Government of Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. 

By Amna Javed

The South Asia Region (SAR) Gender Innovation Lab is currently undertaking a review of causal literature analyzing interventions directly or indirectly affecting women’s labor market, income, and empowerment outcomes. The review found nine studies evaluating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on women’s labor market outcomes, and these results are summarized in a previous blog. Here, we summarize the results from the four studies estimating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on measures of women’s empowerment. 

While we only have four studies, there is nonetheless variation in the sample and modality of interventions across settings. While most programs targeted women from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds, in low-skill occupations, and with few years of formal education, participants were exposed to an average of 2 to 10 days of training in a diverse range of programs. For example, Giné and Mansuri (2021) offer business training to a sample of women aged 37 years on average, 94 percent of whom are married. Cheema et al. (2019) offer tailoring training to 30-year-old women on average, 69 percent of whom are married and reside in households with 12,700 PKR average household monthly income. Adhvaryu et al. (2018) focus on a sample of female workers of approximately 27 years, 60 percent of whom are high school educated and have worked for 1.3 years on average. 

The papers evaluate short to medium run impacts after implementation, between 6 to 22 months. The findings are summarized in the chart below. 

Interestingly, there is a lack of significant impact, either positive or negative, across empowerment outcomes. The programs often have positive impacts on employment, productivity, and/or earnings, so why do we not see changes in empowerment outcomes such as decision-making? Giné and Mansuri (2021) suggest the limited impact of their business training and lottery interventions in Pakistan is attributable to female business owners in their sample having low control and decision-making power in the businesses they are involved in. In fact, 40 percent of women in the sample report their husbands make all the decisions for their business. A lack of mobility to sell products or purchase material from the market further limits the scope for their training to increase decision-making. Similarly, the provision of tailoring skills alone does not improve civic engagement or empowerment measures in the short or long run for women in Pakistan (Cheema et al. 2019). 

At first glance, these results may seem disheartening. However, in a separate intervention arm offering market linkages alongside tailoring skills, Cheema et al. (2019) find positive impacts on female empowerment 9 months after the intervention. The market linkage provides participants access to sales agents who deliver marketable cloth designs and raw materials for stitching to the women. The agents then sell the stitched clothes in the market for which participants receive 200 PKR per suit. Thus, the need for women to visit the market themselves or rely on male family members to purchase material is diminished. The results from the market linkage highlight the potential for the joint use of supply and demand side interventions to move non-economic outcomes, while also highlighting the importance of considering social restrictions when designing interventions.

For more details on the skills interventions, impact magnitudes, or the methodology adopted in the systematic review, read the detailed note. For links to included papers, see below:

• The Skills to Pay the Bills: Returns to On-the-Job Soft Skills Training, by Adhvaryu et al. (2018)
• Skills for Market (SFM 2013-14) – Market Linkage (ML 2015-16): Final Impact Evaluation Report, by Cheema et al. (2019)
• Does Women’s Banking Matter for Women? Evidence from Urban India, by Field et al. (2016)
• Money or Management? A Field Experiment on Constraints to Entrepreneurship in Rural Pakistan, by Giné and Mansuri (2021)
   

WEESA is supported by the South Asia Trade Facilitation Program (SARTFP) and implemented by the South Asia Gender Innovation Lab. SARTFP is a trust fund administered by the World Bank with financial contributions from the Government of Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. 

By Amna Javed

The South Asia Region (SAR) Gender Innovation Lab is currently undertaking a review of causal literature analyzing interventions directly or indirectly affecting women’s labor market, income, and empowerment outcomes. The review found nine studies evaluating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on women’s labor market outcomes, and these results are summarized in a previous blog. Here, we summarize the results from the four studies estimating the effects of Skills and Training interventions on measures of women’s empowerment. 

While we only have four studies, there is nonetheless variation in the sample and modality of interventions across settings. While most programs targeted women from socio-economically disadvantaged backgrounds, in low-skill occupations, and with few years of formal education, participants were exposed to an average of 2 to 10 days of training in a diverse range of programs. For example, Giné and Mansuri (2021) offer business training to a sample of women aged 37 years on average, 94 percent of whom are married. Cheema et al. (2019) offer tailoring training to 30-year-old women on average, 69 percent of whom are married and reside in households with 12,700 PKR average household monthly income. Adhvaryu et al. (2018) focus on a sample of female workers of approximately 27 years, 60 percent of whom are high school educated and have worked for 1.3 years on average. 

The papers evaluate short to medium run impacts after implementation, between 6 to 22 months. The findings are summarized in the chart below. 

Interestingly, there is a lack of significant impact, either positive or negative, across empowerment outcomes. The programs often have positive impacts on employment, productivity, and/or earnings, so why do we not see changes in empowerment outcomes such as decision-making? Giné and Mansuri (2021) suggest the limited impact of their business training and lottery interventions in Pakistan is attributable to female business owners in their sample having low control and decision-making power in the businesses they are involved in. In fact, 40 percent of women in the sample report their husbands make all the decisions for their business. A lack of mobility to sell products or purchase material from the market further limits the scope for their training to increase decision-making. Similarly, the provision of tailoring skills alone does not improve civic engagement or empowerment measures in the short or long run for women in Pakistan (Cheema et al. 2019). 

At first glance, these results may seem disheartening. However, in a separate intervention arm offering market linkages alongside tailoring skills, Cheema et al. (2019) find positive impacts on female empowerment 9 months after the intervention. The market linkage provides participants access to sales agents who deliver marketable cloth designs and raw materials for stitching to the women. The agents then sell the stitched clothes in the market for which participants receive 200 PKR per suit. Thus, the need for women to visit the market themselves or rely on male family members to purchase material is diminished. The results from the market linkage highlight the potential for the joint use of supply and demand side interventions to move non-economic outcomes, while also highlighting the importance of considering social restrictions when designing interventions.

For more details on the skills interventions, impact magnitudes, or the methodology adopted in the systematic review, read the detailed note. For links to included papers, see below:

• The Skills to Pay the Bills: Returns to On-the-Job Soft Skills Training, by Adhvaryu et al. (2018)
• Skills for Market (SFM 2013-14) – Market Linkage (ML 2015-16): Final Impact Evaluation Report, by Cheema et al. (2019)
• Does Women’s Banking Matter for Women? Evidence from Urban India, by Field et al. (2016)
• Money or Management? A Field Experiment on Constraints to Entrepreneurship in Rural Pakistan, by Giné and Mansuri (2021)
   

WEESA is supported by the South Asia Trade Facilitation Program (SARTFP) and implemented by the South Asia Gender Innovation Lab. SARTFP is a trust fund administered by the World Bank with financial contributions from the Government of Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. 

Organizations throughout the South Asia region have pioneered innovative skills training programs addressing women’s participation in labor markets. A recent systematic review of skills interventions in South Asia shows that skills programs often improve women’s economic empowerment and labor market participation. A combination of interventions can not only break barriers but enable a woman’s participation in the workforce. Nevertheless, women throughout the South Asia region continue to face challenges in learning and career advancement due to institutional, societal, and structural barriers – and a variety of organizations are providing vocational training to break these barriers. We at WEESA, a collaborative knowledge community hosted at the South Asia Regional Gender Innovation Lab, seek to amplify local voices, and share the knowledge on what works for empowering women’s economic empowerment in the South Asia region. In this blog, we will share the work of two notable projects led by organizations in the region: BRAC and Pratham.  

In Bangladesh, BRAC has spearheaded a portfolio of vocational training programs, including its flagship vocational skills program, Skills Training for Advancing Resources (STAR). Designed for young adults from poor and vulnerable households who have dropped out of school, STAR uses an apprenticeship model that equips underprivileged youth with specific skills that are in demand in their local markets. The program provides in-class and on-the-job trainings on various trades, ranging from mobile phone servicing to tailoring, throughout a six-month period. Apprentices also receive soft skills training in areas like financial literacy, customer relationship management, and social awareness. A key feature of the program’s success is its targeting mechanisms. Market and trade selection are carefully done, to incorporate issues such as safe work environment and distance from the market for the apprentice. Furthermore, STAR requires at least half of its participating apprentices to be women and selected apprentices undergo a robust selection process. According to BRAC, as of December 2018, almost 30,000 apprentices have graduated from STAR, with a 95% job placement rate. An RCT conducted by Narayan Das found that, among participants, the program increased labor market participation by 22.6 percentage points to 59 percent, hours of work by 59 percent, and earnings by 44 percent – and that the effect on employment of participating women, particularly unmarried women, is even greater. STAR’s success has led to other training programs at BRAC, including PROGRESS, which is like STAR but focuses on developing small, light-engineering enterprises in rural areas.  

In India, Pratham works within villages through small networks called skill sakhis. Using low-cost computer devices, the groups can view videos that not only address skills training but provide content relating to life skills development that have allowed women to learn a variety of new skills such as the ability to search the internet as well as create their own CVs. Based on anecdotal evidence, the effects of the program have been encouraging. The number of women who enrolled in vocational training courses doubled, within a year of launching the program. There has also been a surge in interest in electrician courses, which coincides with a video featured in the training that had a female electrician, as well as several women starting their own micro-enterprises in their own homes. The comradery of the skill sakhis provides women the encouragement and confidence to pursue further education as well as to conform to societal norms. 

Pratham has other vocational training programs that focus specifically on women, including a stitching and tailoring program jointly led by SATYA (Social Awakening Through Youth Action). Pratham launched this training program geared towards women in underprivileged areas of New Delhi. Researchers Pushkar Maitra and Subha Mani found that six months after the training was completed, the women who were offered training were 6 percentage points more likely to be employed and earned 150 percent more per month than women in the control group. Moreover, these effects were sustained 18 months after program completion.

The work of BRAC and Pratham is just a snippet of how organizations can equip women with the confidence and skills needed to increase their participation in the labor markets. Throughout South Asia, programs have provided innovative skills training interventions that address systematic and cultural challenges. Yet, there is a significant lack of rigorously evaluated interventions and policies targeting skill training of women in the South Asian region and learning more about what works in skills training can be very valuable.
 

By Zuha Moin

Organizations throughout the South Asia region have pioneered innovative skills training programs addressing women’s participation in labor markets. A recent systematic review of skills interventions in South Asia shows that skills programs often improve women’s economic empowerment and labor market participation. A combination of interventions can not only break barriers but enable a woman’s participation in the workforce. Nevertheless, women throughout the South Asia region continue to face challenges in learning and career advancement due to institutional, societal, and structural barriers – and a variety of organizations are providing vocational training to break these barriers. We at WEESA, a collaborative knowledge community hosted at the South Asia Regional Gender Innovation Lab, seek to amplify local voices, and share the knowledge on what works for empowering women’s economic empowerment in the South Asia region. In this blog, we will share the work of two notable projects led by organizations in the region: BRAC and Pratham.  

In Bangladesh, BRAC has spearheaded a portfolio of vocational training programs, including its flagship vocational skills program, Skills Training for Advancing Resources (STAR). Designed for young adults from poor and vulnerable households who have dropped out of school, STAR uses an apprenticeship model that equips underprivileged youth with specific skills that are in demand in their local markets. The program provides in-class and on-the-job trainings on various trades, ranging from mobile phone servicing to tailoring, throughout a six-month period. Apprentices also receive soft skills training in areas like financial literacy, customer relationship management, and social awareness. A key feature of the program’s success is its targeting mechanisms. Market and trade selection are carefully done, to incorporate issues such as safe work environment and distance from the market for the apprentice. Furthermore, STAR requires at least half of its participating apprentices to be women and selected apprentices undergo a robust selection process. According to BRAC, as of December 2018, almost 30,000 apprentices have graduated from STAR, with a 95% job placement rate. An RCT conducted by Narayan Das found that, among participants, the program increased labor market participation by 22.6 percentage points to 59 percent, hours of work by 59 percent, and earnings by 44 percent – and that the effect on employment of participating women, particularly unmarried women, is even greater. STAR’s success has led to other training programs at BRAC, including PROGRESS, which is like STAR but focuses on developing small, light-engineering enterprises in rural areas.  

In India, Pratham works within villages through small networks called skill sakhis. Using low-cost computer devices, the groups can view videos that not only address skills training but provide content relating to life skills development that have allowed women to learn a variety of new skills such as the ability to search the internet as well as create their own CVs. Based on anecdotal evidence, the effects of the program have been encouraging. The number of women who enrolled in vocational training courses doubled, within a year of launching the program. There has also been a surge in interest in electrician courses, which coincides with a video featured in the training that had a female electrician, as well as several women starting their own micro-enterprises in their own homes. The comradery of the skill sakhis provides women the encouragement and confidence to pursue further education as well as to conform to societal norms. 

Pratham has other vocational training programs that focus specifically on women, including a stitching and tailoring program jointly led by SATYA (Social Awakening Through Youth Action). Pratham launched this training program geared towards women in underprivileged areas of New Delhi. Researchers Pushkar Maitra and Subha Mani found that six months after the training was completed, the women who were offered training were 6 percentage points more likely to be employed and earned 150 percent more per month than women in the control group. Moreover, these effects were sustained 18 months after program completion.

The work of BRAC and Pratham is just a snippet of how organizations can equip women with the confidence and skills needed to increase their participation in the labor markets. Throughout South Asia, programs have provided innovative skills training interventions that address systematic and cultural challenges. Yet, there is a significant lack of rigorously evaluated interventions and policies targeting skill training of women in the South Asian region and learning more about what works in skills training can be very valuable.
 

WEESA is supported by the South Asia Trade Facilitation Program (SARTFP) and implemented by the South Asia Gender Innovation Lab. SARTFP is a trust fund administered by the World Bank with financial contributions from the Government of Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. 

By Zuha Moin

Organizations throughout the South Asia region have pioneered innovative skills training programs addressing women’s participation in labor markets. A recent systematic review of skills interventions in South Asia shows that skills programs often improve women’s economic empowerment and labor market participation. A combination of interventions can not only break barriers but enable a woman’s participation in the workforce. Nevertheless, women throughout the South Asia region continue to face challenges in learning and career advancement due to institutional, societal, and structural barriers – and a variety of organizations are providing vocational training to break these barriers. We at WEESA, a collaborative knowledge community hosted at the South Asia Regional Gender Innovation Lab, seek to amplify local voices, and share the knowledge on what works for empowering women’s economic empowerment in the South Asia region. In this blog, we will share the work of two notable projects led by organizations in the region: BRAC and Pratham.  

In Bangladesh, BRAC has spearheaded a portfolio of vocational training programs, including its flagship vocational skills program, Skills Training for Advancing Resources (STAR). Designed for young adults from poor and vulnerable households who have dropped out of school, STAR uses an apprenticeship model that equips underprivileged youth with specific skills that are in demand in their local markets. The program provides in-class and on-the-job trainings on various trades, ranging from mobile phone servicing to tailoring, throughout a six-month period. Apprentices also receive soft skills training in areas like financial literacy, customer relationship management, and social awareness. A key feature of the program’s success is its targeting mechanisms. Market and trade selection are carefully done, to incorporate issues such as safe work environment and distance from the market for the apprentice. Furthermore, STAR requires at least half of its participating apprentices to be women and selected apprentices undergo a robust selection process. According to BRAC, as of December 2018, almost 30,000 apprentices have graduated from STAR, with a 95% job placement rate. An RCT conducted by Narayan Das found that, among participants, the program increased labor market participation by 22.6 percentage points to 59 percent, hours of work by 59 percent, and earnings by 44 percent – and that the effect on employment of participating women, particularly unmarried women, is even greater. STAR’s success has led to other training programs at BRAC, including PROGRESS, which is like STAR but focuses on developing small, light-engineering enterprises in rural areas.  

In India, Pratham works within villages through small networks called skill sakhis. Using low-cost computer devices, the groups can view videos that not only address skills training but provide content relating to life skills development that have allowed women to learn a variety of new skills such as the ability to search the internet as well as create their own CVs. Based on anecdotal evidence, the effects of the program have been encouraging. The number of women who enrolled in vocational training courses doubled, within a year of launching the program. There has also been a surge in interest in electrician courses, which coincides with a video featured in the training that had a female electrician, as well as several women starting their own micro-enterprises in their own homes. The comradery of the skill sakhis provides women the encouragement and confidence to pursue further education as well as to conform to societal norms. 

Pratham has other vocational training programs that focus specifically on women, including a stitching and tailoring program jointly led by SATYA (Social Awakening Through Youth Action). Pratham launched this training program geared towards women in underprivileged areas of New Delhi. Researchers Pushkar Maitra and Subha Mani found that six months after the training was completed, the women who were offered training were 6 percentage points more likely to be employed and earned 150 percent more per month than women in the control group. Moreover, these effects were sustained 18 months after program completion.

The work of BRAC and Pratham is just a snippet of how organizations can equip women with the confidence and skills needed to increase their participation in the labor markets. Throughout South Asia, programs have provided innovative skills training interventions that address systematic and cultural challenges. Yet, there is a significant lack of rigorously evaluated interventions and policies targeting skill training of women in the South Asian region and learning more about what works in skills training can be very valuable.
 

WEESA is supported by the South Asia Trade Facilitation Program (SARTFP) and implemented by the South Asia Gender Innovation Lab. SARTFP is a trust fund administered by the World Bank with financial contributions from the Government of Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.